Rabu, 15 Juni 2011

[S189.Ebook] PDF Download The Party of Death: The Democrats, the Media, the Courts, and the Disregard for Human Life, by Ramesh Ponnuru

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The Party of Death: The Democrats, the Media, the Courts, and the Disregard for Human Life, by Ramesh Ponnuru

The Party of Death: The Democrats, the Media, the Courts, and the Disregard for Human Life, by Ramesh Ponnuru



The Party of Death: The Democrats, the Media, the Courts, and the Disregard for Human Life, by Ramesh Ponnuru

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The Party of Death: The Democrats, the Media, the Courts, and the Disregard for Human Life, by Ramesh Ponnuru

  Is the Democratic Party the “Party of Death”? If you look at their agenda they are. IT’S NOT JUST abortion-on-demand. It’s euthanasia, embryo destruction, even infanticide—and a potentially deadly concern with “the quality of life” of disabled people. If you think these issues don’t concern you—guess again. The Party of Death is roaring into the White House! In The Party of Death, Ponnuru details how left-wing radicals, using abortion as their lever, took over the Democratic Party—and how they have used their power to corrupt our law and politics, abolish our fundamental right to life, and push the envelope in ever more dangerous directions. In The Party of Death, Ponnuru reveals: How Hillary Clinton could use the abortion issue (but not in the way you think) Why the conventional wisdom about Roe v.Wade is a lie How the party of death—a coalition of special interests ranging from Planned Parenthood to Hollywood—came to own the Democratic Party How the mainstream media promotes the party of death Why Jesse Jackson, Al Gore, and other leading liberals gave up being pro-life How liberals use animal rights to displace human rights The Democratic presidential candidate who said that infanticide is a mother’s “choice” How doctors—and other health care professionals—are being coerced, by law, into violating their consciences The ultrasound revolution: why there’s hope to stop the party of death Ponnuru’s shocking exposé shows just how extreme the Party of Death has become as they seek to destroy every inconvenient life, demand fealty to their radical agenda, and punish anyone who defies them. But he also shows how the tide is turning, how the Party of Death can be defeated, and why its last victim might be the Democratic Party itself. Ramesh Ponnuru, senior editor at National Review, is a

  • Sales Rank: #922719 in Books
  • Published on: 2006-04-24
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 1.15" h x 6.29" w x 9.22" l, 1.15 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 320 pages

From the Inside Flap
Is the Democratic Party the "Party of Death"?

If you look at their agenda they are.

IT’S NOT JUST abortion-on-demand. It’s euthanasia, embryo destruction, even infanticide—and a potentially deadly concern with "the quality of life" of disabled people. If you think these issues don’t concern you—guess again. The Party of Death could be roaring into the White House, as National Review senior editor Ramesh Ponnuru shows, in the person of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

In The Party of Death, Ponnuru details how left-wing radicals, using abortion as their lever, took over the Democratic Party—and how they have used their power to corrupt our law and politics, abolish our fundamental right to life, and push the envelope in ever more dangerous directions. In The Party of Death, Ponnuru reveals:

* How Hillary Clinton could use the abortion issue (but not in the way you think) to become president * Why the conventional wisdom about Roe v.Wade is a lie * How the party of death—a coalition of special interests ranging from Planned Parenthood to Hollywood—came to own the Democratic Party * How the mainstream media promotes the party of death * Why Jesse Jackson, Al Gore, and other leading liberals gave up being pro-life * How liberals use animal rights to displace human rights * The Democratic presidential candidate who said that infanticide is a mother’s "choice" * How doctors—and other health care professionals—are being coerced, by law, into violating their consciences * The ultrasound revolution: why there’s hope to stop the party of death

Ponnuru’s shocking exposé shows just how extreme the Party of Death has become as they seek to destroy every inconvenient life, demand fealty to their radical agenda, and punish anyone who defies them. But he also shows how the tide is turning, how the Party of Death can be defeated, and why its last victim might be the Democratic Party itself.

About the Author
Ramesh Ponnuru, senior editor at National Review, is a graduate of Princeton University and has covered politics as a reporter for more than a dozen years. His journalism has appeared in the Wall Street Journal, Newsday, the Washington Times, the Weekly Standard, and Financial Times. He is also a frequent guest on television and radio political programs. A native of St. Louis, Missouri, he now lives in northern Virginia with his family.

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18 of 27 people found the following review helpful.
Book Review = "The Party of Death"
By PJ
National Review contributor Ramesh Ponnuru has just published his first book, The Party of Death. The Party of Death consists of politicians (not necessarily, but mostly, Democrats), the media and the courts. In witty and concise fashion, Ponnuru seeks to explain and defend the pro-life side of the cultural debate about issues like abortion, euthanasia and stem-cell research, draw back the vale of euphemisms currently surrounding them and examine the political effects of Roe v. Wade and the likely results if it should be overturned.

Ponnuru begins by exposing many of the lies and misconceptions that surround Roe v. Wade. It is common for people to think that Roe allows abortions during the first trimester of pregnancy and restricts them thereafter. Indeed, the Roe opinion itself purports to do so. However, Roe allows for exceptions in the latter 2 trimesters for the health of the mother. In Roe's little known but very important companion case, Doe v. Bolton, the Court then proceeds to define the health of the mother so widely the result is the most radical abortion law of any nation on the planet: abortions at any time for any reason. Ponnuru argues that this misconception (that Roe allows only first trimester abortions), fostered by the pro-choice movement, the media, and pollsters, is the decisive factor when polls show nearly two thirds of the public support the Roe v. Wade decision. Another common error in regard to Roe v. Wade is the sentiment that its reversal would ban all abortions. But this would not be the case - the issue would merely be relegated back to the state legislatures, where it was before Roe swept aside all existing abortion laws and restrictions in 1973.

Ponnuru then addresses the central question itself: the right to life. He argues that a human embryo, far from being a "clump of cells" or mere "protoplasm", is simply a human being at the earliest stage of development. Pro-choicers have sometimes argued that an embryo isn't like a "real" human being because it doesn't look like us: no fingers, no toes, no discernible human features. But, again, an embryo is a human at the earliest stage of development: we all looked like that at that age. The question, then, is whether every human being is to be afforded the right to life. There is no difference in kind whether an embryo a few days old is destroyed, or a fetus 6 months old, or a newborn baby.

The pro-choicer must eventually argue that there is such a thing as a human being which is not also a person. Just being a living and functioning member of the species homo sapiens will not be enough. Personhood will have to be defined as having consciousness and some knowledge of one's own being. But this will lead us down a very thorny path. The author shows that by pro-choicers' own logic, it is very hard to admit a right to abortion without also positing a right to infanticide. For if a fetus 6 or 8 months old can be destroyed, why should parents not be allowed to destroy their newborn child? The newborn infant will not be a "person" by this definition either. Neither will the disabled and infirm. Indeed, we will be forced to come up with a definition of whose life is worth living and whose is not. If someone loses their consciousness, but is not dead, are we allowed to kill them? Is a person like Terri Schiavo, whose brain could perform all the functions necessary to live and who lacked only the ability to feed herself, dispensable?

Once we've established that some human beings are not persons and therefore have no right to live, why not go a step further? The severely handicapped and disabled will never have the quality of life an average person does. In the unborn and infants, the problem can be dealt with quickly - those who are not up to standard can be liquidated. For example, Down-syndrome cases have declined in the U.S. in recent years - because 75% - 80% of cases are detected prenatally and abortions are performed. Infanticide because of disability has already gained acceptance in Europe (Ponnuru says that 8% of infant deaths in the Netherlands are due to doctor-performed infanticide - and parental consent is not required) and is creeping in America. Those who perform and argue in favor of such policies congratulate themselves on how compassionate they are in deciding that the unfit should never be allowed to live at all. It was thought that the dogma of eugenics had died in the ashes of Nazi Germany. Not so.

The inherent dignity and worth of every human is also belied by embryonic stem-cell research. The exciting promise of stem cell research is the cure for a range of diseases. Stem cells, theoretically, could be used to grow a tissue culture matching any cell of the human body - for instance, generating new neurons to inject into Alzheimer's patients to cure their affliction. The potential of this research has generated wild exaggerations - like the media repeatedly referring to "magic cures" or Vice Presidential candidate John Edwards telling an audience that "Christopher Reeve would get up out of his chair and walk" if he and John Kerry were elected. One problem with these claims is that they're overblown - the research probably will not lead to a cure for Alzheimer's. Another is that in order to get these supposed miracle cures, a human embryo has to be created and destroyed.

Again, every human embryo, from the moment a sperm cell and an egg cell join, is a unique member of the human species at the earliest stage of development. There is no other definition for it. It possesses its own DNA and a distinctive genetic makeup that will allow it to grow into an adult human being. For embryonic stem-cell research to work, a few skin cells from a person would be taken and implanted into an embryo. The process rips the embryo apart and destroys the unique human it was to create a tissue culture matching the skin cell donor's own DNA. The skin cell donor has destroyed another member of its species to produce a clone of himself - and yes, clone is the correct word. This is where euphemisms come in. The public reacts very negatively to the term "cloning" and so its advocates try alternatives - "therapeutic cloning" or, to make sure no one knows what he's talking about, "somatic nuclear cell transfer". The advocate must rely on obfuscation or deception to pursue his goals.

It is hard to truly gauge the public's stance on abortion and other life issues - Ponnuru shows that the results of such polls are highly dependent on the language used by the pollsters. As mentioned earlier, a generic "Do you support the Roe v. Wade decision" question will generate a roughly two thirds majority in favor. But polls also show that a majority of Americans oppose abortion after the first trimester and support restrictions like parental notification. Likewise, a poll question such as "Do you support stem-cell research that may lead to a cure for Alzheimer's?" will generate strong positive support. But a question that makes clear an embryo is destroyed in the research usually finds opposition. The key for pro-lifers is to educate the public as best they can while not taking any steps that frighten them.

Abortion has been the key to unlocking these other evils - infanticide, the devaluation of human life, embryonic stem-cell research, and so on. Roe v. Wade, and the public's subsequent acceptance of abortion, put us on a slippery slope and we've been sliding ever since. Ponnuru believes that incremental steps are necessary to finally win the battle for the pro-life side. He argues that pro-lifers were on the defensive from Roe v. Wade until the early 90's. Until that point, the pro-life movement's overriding goal had been a Constitutional amendment to guarantee the right to life from the moment of conception. But that was a goal the public did not support and that was not attainable. With the rise of the partial-birth abortion issue in the mid-90's, a tactical shift was under way. Pursuing smaller goals like restrictions on abortion, instead of an all-or-nothing ban, would advance the movement's goals more quickly and efficiently - and with the public's support.

The Holy Grail of the incremental strategy, of course, is the reversal of Roe v. Wade. Once that is accomplished, the battle will move back to the states (where it never should have left, but more on that to follow). The incremental strategy will be accomplished most readily at the state level. If a state enacts a ban on abortion after the 15th week, for instance, pro-lifers might then call for a ban after the 14th week, and so on. The incremental shift, Ponnuru hopes, will also signal a cultural shift. As abortion becomes more restricted and less common, respect for human life will be restored. And if that happens, the problems of infanticide, euthanasia, embryo-destructive research, etc. will also be reduced. And then the Party of Death will finally be defeated.

Ramesh Ponnuru has produced a tour de force in favor of the pro-life movement. The book makes light and easy reading for such a serious subject, while being clever and sharp. I am glad that Ponnuru eschews religious arguments in favor of cool logic. If one is engaged in a debate about these issues, one is likely enough to be dismissed as some sort of religious fanatic without giving explicit fodder to one's opponent. It is possible to be pro-life without being religious and vice versa, and it is a concern better left on the sidelines here. Conversely, I am disappointed that Ponnuru did not focus more on the pro-choice movement's propensity to sidestep the democratic process by appealing to the courts. The abortion issue is one that should be decided by the people via their elected representatives, and as an issue not mentioned in the Constitution should be left to the states. Ponnuru discusses the courts and some of their decisions, obviously. Yet he does not point out, for instance, how Planned Parenthood and their ilk went shopping for plaintiffs and friendly courts to challenge laws they wanted struck down, in order to enact their agenda via judicial decree. Also, in discussing stem-cell research, Ponnuru mentions alternatives like adult stem-cells and cord-blood cells, which have yielded medical treatments for decades, but does not point out that embryonic stem-cell research has yet to generate any successful treatment or remedy (let alone miracle cures). These minor objections aside, this book gets my highest recommendation. Read it to inform and entertain yourself.

23 of 33 people found the following review helpful.
Provocative and Blunt - Death is the Important Word
By Thomas M. Loarie
"The Party of Death" will unsettle those who lean towards or favor abortion, embryonic stem research, and/or euthanasia. Author Ramash Ponnuru, a senior editor at the National Review, writing with razor-edged moral acuity, skillfully debunks the excesses and hypocrisy of those promoting these as morally acceptable by scrupulously sticking to non-religious arguments.

Ponnuru begins his book by correcting several myths relating to the Supreme Court's Roe V. Wade decision - that it is a grand compromise between extremes, that the decision is more limited than it is, and that overturning Roe would criminalize all abortions. Ponnuru methodically demonstrates that these are not true.

Roe and its companion case, Doe v Bolton, make abortion on-demand a constitutional right up until moments before the birth. States may regulate abortion in the second and third trimester, says the court, but not if they run afoul of the mother's "health." This is not a compromise when the interpretation of a "mother's health" is understood. "Health," as Ponnuru shows, can mean anything under the elastic category of a woman's overall "well-being."

Ponnuru adds that the Supreme Court overreached and acted as a legislative body with the Roe decision. A point also eloquently made by former Senator John Danforth in his recent book, "Faith and Politics." Ponnuru notes that the public actually favors many restrictions on abortion and believes that the issue should be returned to the states where favored restrictions can be legislated.

"The Party of Death" moves from a detailed discussion of abortion to how the "culture of death" has been extrapolated and now threatens the elderly and disabled with weeding out the unfit, cloning, and euthanasia.

The hypocrisy of these positions was further amplified by Nathanael Blake, in his June 2006 column: "Why do so many ardently support such a morally and logically untenable position, even though it contradicts their own stated principles. Those distressed by the clubbing of baby seals don't mind the murder of the club-footed. Those who support extending legal protection to apes because their abilities resemble those of mentally disabled humans encourage the killing of mentally disabled humans in utero... People have been killing those who get in the way of the life they'd like for all of history. Even abortionists can be understood - those who will murder for money have long been among us."

The "Party of Death" is not the Democratic Party but rather those who continue to spawn a convenient cultural disregard for "human life." Unfortunately, for the Democratic Party, these people have made the Democratic Party their home and have made it synonymous with abortion and death.

Ponnuru's title is provocative. His book states bluntly what many people would rather couch in euphemism or, better yet, not say at all. Death is the important word. Ponnuru shows us how these choices, right or wrong, are a choice for death. And unfortunately, the debate, today, is over "what" is killed and who gets to decide.

This is a must read for anyone interested in the landscape which the "Culture Wars" are being fought and in the future of western society.

125 of 169 people found the following review helpful.
A carefully reasoned and logical NON-Theological argument against abortion.
By Enigma
A QUCIK NOTE: I read and review books that are on both sides of the political spectrum but a disturbing trend has shown up. If a book appears to be right of center it will be assailed with many 1 star reviews that the reviews obviously have not read the book, they will use ad hominem attacks and incivilities in their reviews. While there are some on the left-of-center books they in no way match the amount you will find on the opposite side.

This book unfortunately is no different. So just to set the record straight here are some simple facts

1) The Party of Death does not refer to the Democratic Party it simply refers to any person right or left who favors abortion and the logical siblings of euthanasia and research on embryos.

2) The book uses ZERO, NADA, ZILCH, NONE, NOT-A ONE theological arguments.

3) The author painstakingly shows abortion from the women's point of view.

4) The author shows very clearly and concisely the difference between killing in war, capital punishment and abortion. He does not endorse wars or capital punishment but shows the arguments that try to link Abortion to those are absurdly fallacious.

THE REVIEW

When I was a left winger I too reflexively supported Abortion. That was my party's position and I had heard all of the talking points to replete blindly without thought. Than something happened I became aware of the fact that many of the cherished ideologies that I was holding didn't seem to fit the facts. I began to question certain ideas and was immediately told by the higher ups in these left-wing organizations to not think about the subjects. There were those with more intelligence and ability that have already thought for me.

This condescension started me on a path of pondering and fact checking. The more I researched my leftist's dogmatic ideals the more trouble I had reconciling what I had been told to what was the truth. This is one of those books that if you are truly searching with an open mind you will be blown away with.

The author has used logic and reason and NOT one theological argument against abortion.

The argument is straightforward. If human beings have intrinsic dignity and worth, then they have this dignity and worth simply because they are human beings. It follows that all human beings have this dignity and worth. They are equal in the fundamental rights that attach to being human. The flip side is that if you believe in abortion than the notion that all human beings are created equal becomes a self-evident lie.

The author goes on to show how Roe v. Wade is almost unanimously thought of as a legally incompetent decision. It circumvented the normal democratic policy making. But in the much deeper sense" It violates the principle of human equality that is the basis for democratic self-government, and specifically for American democracy.

This book is very accessible for those who wish to view the arguments against abortion. The logic is clear, concise and thought-provoking. I highly suggest this to any person, but especially Americans who have a concern for our great country.

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Selasa, 14 Juni 2011

[Z840.Ebook] Ebook Free Economy of Experiences, by Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof

Ebook Free Economy of Experiences, by Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof

Why must be this on the internet publication Economy Of Experiences, By Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof You could not have to go someplace to read the books. You could review this publication Economy Of Experiences, By Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof every single time as well as every where you want. Even it is in our downtime or sensation tired of the works in the workplace, this corrects for you. Get this Economy Of Experiences, By Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof right now and be the quickest person which completes reading this e-book Economy Of Experiences, By Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof

Economy of Experiences, by Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof

Economy of Experiences, by Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof



Economy of Experiences, by Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof

Ebook Free Economy of Experiences, by Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof

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Economy of Experiences, by Albert Boswijk, Ed Peelen, Steven Olthof

Economy of experiences, 3e edition Economy of Experiences sheds light on the fundamental process of change whereby society is currently searching for new forms of value creation. The 'Experience Economy' is the first symptom of this process. The Economy of Experiences is more than 'feed me' or 'entertain me'. Businesses and organisations have a larger, more significant role to play in supporting individuals in their search to find their own way and a significant role for themselves. This book describes, step-by-step, the foundations of new forms of value creation and how businesses can avoid the downward escalation of price competition (commoditisation). It starts by placing individuals at the centre of their social context as well as events that are important to them in the world in which they live. In order to facilitate these, we present new business models in which co-creation plays an important role. Concrete design principles are given that can be used as a basis for creating meaningful experiences. Both theory and practice are discussed; numerous cases studies are dissected. The last three chapters focus on practical applications in health care, financial service innovation and developing creative cities. The book is backed by its own website: www.experience-economy.com.

  • Sales Rank: #3668396 in Books
  • Published on: 2012
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 335 pages

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2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Pushing forward our understanding of the Experience Economy
By Joe Pine
As co-author of The Experience Economy, Updated Edition and co-founder of the European Centre for the Experience Economy with Albert Boswijk, I'm rather biased. But believe me when I say that Economy of Experiences is a great book that extends our ideas -- even disagreeing with us on occasion! It pushes forward what we know about today's Experience Economy, focusing on those experiences that are meaningful and co-created. (In fact, it wasn't until I read the first edition of this book that I truly understood what "co-creation" was all about.) Anyone looking to create greater value for their customers should absorb its lessons, for it has many such lessons that anyone seeking to embrace the Experience Economy should take to heart.

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
The economy of experiences is upon us...
By C G Parker
... and if you were at all in doubt, then you must read this book. Boswijk, Peelen and Olthof provide an excellent overview of the history of the Experience Economy, and give a lot of insight into what the future might hold. They build on an academic and scientific foundation and bring it together with some wonderful cases. I thought I was very familiar with the concepts of the Experience Economy, but this book took me by surprise a few times, so I would recommend it both for veterans and people just discovering what it is all about.

Chris Parker, CoolExperience

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
The next level of meaningful Experiences
By Hans Fagt
In their new book: "Economy of Experiences", Albert Boswijk and his co-authors, Ed Peelen and Steven Olthof digs deeper and makes our understanding of meaningful experiences and Co-Creation more operational and profound, so we are able create and incorporate these terms in our businesses and our lives. A lot of step-by-step describsions and examples of new forms of value creation.
"Economy of Experiences" is a great book for anyone who want to know - or wants to know more - about the concept of Experience Economy and how to create value from experience.

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Senin, 13 Juni 2011

[O836.Ebook] Ebook Free New International Dictionary of the Christian Church, The, by Earle E. Cairns, J.D. Douglas

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New International Dictionary of the Christian Church, The, by Earle E. Cairns, J.D. Douglas

A fascinating one-volume encyclopedia explaining the development of the church This comprehensive one-volume reference work traces the development of the Christian church through its first 2000 years. More than 180 scholars have contributed their expertise, incorporating recent research, archaeological discoveries, and specialized studies. Cross-references and bibliographies of significant works enhance this dictionary's usefulness as a basic source book and study tool.

  • Sales Rank: #172166 in Books
  • Published on: 1978
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.61" h x 1.97" w x 6.69" l,
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 1074 pages

From the Back Cover
A fascinating one-volume encyclopedia explaining the development of the church

This comprehensive one-volume reference work traces the development of the Christian church through its first 2000 years. More than 180 scholars have contributed their expertise, incorporating recent research, archaeological discoveries, and specialized studies. Cross-references and bibliographies of significant works enhance this dictionary’s usefulness as a basic source book and study tool.

About the Author
J. D. Douglas was the revising editor of The New International Dictionary of the Bible and editor of The New Bible Dictionary. He was editor-at-large for Christianity Today.

Earle E. Cairns (PhD, University of Nebraska) was professor emeritus at Wheaton College in Wheaton, Illinois. He was a member of the American Society of Church History, the American Historical Association, and the Conference on Faith and History.

Most helpful customer reviews

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent reference
By Doug Erlandson
This one-volume work, which runs to more than 1,000 double-column pages and more than 4,800 entries, is a must for the student of church history. Whether one is a novice in the field or has studied church history extensively for many years, having so much information at one's fingertips is extremely valuable. Because this is a one-vloume encyclopedia (though it is called a dictionary) the individual entries are of necessity short (many are one paragraph long, although there are some that are longer); however, they still contain all the essential information that one would expect from an overview. (Just to take one example: I was curious to see what, if anything, the dictionary said about Celestine V, the hermit monk who became Pope. The entry gives the date he became Pope, why he was elected, why he was not really competent to be pope, and the circumstances surrounding his resignation. Although I was already familiar with this pope, the entry provided information I didn't know previously.)

Each entry is written by a recognized scholar in church history. Although I haven't checked every entry for accuracy, when I have looked up something I have found the information to be correct and to correspond with what I know from other sources.

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
excellent reference
By A Reader
I have the third printing (1979). I have used this book for years and still keep going back to it. It is well worth the reasonable price. There are entries for denominations, movements within the church, other religions, theological concepts, church councils and other important historical events, numerous biographies, etc. Contributing authors are from both sides of the Atlantic and from various denominations, including Anglican, Baptist, Lutheran, Methodist, Presbyterian, etc.

6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
"A Good, Comprehensive Dictionary"
By Johannes Platonicus
Nothing is left out of this mammouth-sized dictionary, which is comprised of 4,800 articles and intellegently written by more than 180 Protestant scholars. This dictionary reaches back into the deep and monumental two-thousand year history of Christianity and grasps the principle peoples, places, things, philosophies and theologies, missionaries and musicians, heretics and saints, generals and soldiers, poets and historians, all the way to the kings' courts and the Popes' councils. This dictionary is remarkably useful, and will without a doubt exhaust students and scholars alike.

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Minggu, 12 Juni 2011

[V198.Ebook] Ebook Download The Arabs: A History, by Eugene Rogan

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The Arabs: A History, by Eugene Rogan

In this definitive history of the modern Arab world, award-winning historian Eugene Rogan draws extensively on Arab sources and texts to place the Arab experience in its crucial historical context for the first time. Tracing five centuries of Arab history, Rogan reveals that there was an age when the Arabs set the rules for the rest of the world. Today, however, the Arab world’s sense of subjection to external powers carries vast consequences for both the region and Westerners who attempt to control it.

Updated with a new epilogue, The Arabs is an invaluable, groundbreaking work of history.

  • Sales Rank: #86078 in Books
  • Published on: 2011-04-12
  • Released on: 2011-04-12
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.25" h x 1.50" w x 6.13" l, 1.63 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 608 pages

From Booklist
Rogan, an Oxford University lecturer, comments that Western intellectuals and leaders have an inadequate grasp of how Arabs understand their own history, which generates many grievances. He accordingly offers this political history of Arab lands since 1517, the year the Ottoman Empire conquered Egypt, adopting as his theme the response of Arabs to foreign rule or influence. In succession, Rogan presents the imperial structures of the Ottomans, then those of colonizing European powers, and his discussion of their evolution is guided by narratives of the numerous revolts and wars that punctuated the era of colonization. With that era’s passing in the wake of World War II, leaving a legacy of boundaries drawn by the former empires, Rogan then focuses on the creation of Israel in 1948 as a point of protest for Arab leaders—though his accounts of intra-Arab wars and dictatorial governments underscore sources of conflict that have nothing to do with Israel. Framing modern history as viewed from the Arab world, Rogan eruditely furnishes Western readers with a background to current events. --Gilbert Taylor

Review
Rashid Khalidi, Edward Said Professor of Arab Studies, Columbia University
"A masterful, thorough, and well-written survey of the entire sweep of modern Arab history. Full of lively vignettes but comprehensive at the same time, this book will be of great interest both to general readers and students of the Arab world.”

Juan Cole, Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History, University of Michigan and author of Engaging the Muslim World
“No better guide to the modern history of the Arab world could be found than Eugene Rogan. He is attentive as much to the insider accounts in Arab memoirs as to the imperial schemes hatched in drawing rooms in Paris and London, as concerned with popular movements and uprisings as with elite reformism, and unafraid to confront directly and with the best evidence and documentation available the vexed issues of colonialism, Orientalism, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Rogan achieves a rare, and realistic synoptic vision of the way in which Arabness has been shaped by both indigenous forces and Western imperial ones. In recent years, the United States has attempted to rule Arabs while carefully avoiding knowing anything about them, a strategy that has yielded all too predictable results. Those in the West who aspire to engage the Arab world in more productive ways in the future will find Rogan an indispensable companion.”

Avi Shlaim, author of The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World
“Eugene Rogan writes about the Middle East with exceptional empathy, wisdom, and insight. His book is a landmark in scholarship on this complex and controversial region. Western scholars have written extensively about the Middle East but mostly from the outside looking in. The Arabs often feature in their accounts as mere driftwood on the sea of international affairs. Rogan, by contrast, has narrated the history of the region over the last five centuries from the inside looking out. He tells the history of the Arabs from their own perspective, using an impressive range of Arabic sources. It is a fascinating story and in Eugene Rogan it has found its most gifted chronicler.”

Sir Alistair Horne, author of A Savage War of Peace
“Anyone who seeks to understand why the Islamic world bears a grudge against the West should read The Arabs. Few scholars know their subject better than Eugene Rogan, while even fewer are capable of rendering so complex a subject so engagingly readable. It is a joy to open, and a deprivation to put down.”

Margaret MacMillan, author of Paris 1919 and Nixon and Mao
“With eloquence, verve, and understanding, Eugene Rogan rightly reminds us that the world, and the Arabs themselves, need to remember the past. If we are to build a better relationship between the Arab world and the West, if we are to avoid making the same mistakes again and again, we need to know Arab history from its many high points to its low ones. I can think of no better guide on this crucially important journey than The Arabs.”

Kirkus
“A straightforward, careful primer on Arab political history from the rise of the Ottoman Empire to the forging of modern fundamentalist Islamic entities…. A sweeping history.”

Booklist
“Framing modern history as viewed from the Arab world, Rogan eruditely furnishes Western readers with a background to current events.”

The Atlantic
“[Rogan] provides a prism through which the lay Westerner can view five centuries of tumult, zealotry, and complication…. Deeply erudite and distinctly humane, Rogan consistently plays up (and never papers over) the bountiful East-West parallels."

Stephen M. Walt, ForeignPolicy.com
“[A]n entertaining, gracefully written, and eye-opening look at a diverse people whose history, culture and character are often badly misunderstood (if not actively distorted) here in the United States. Read it. You’ll learn a lot.”

Simon Sebag Montefiore, for the Financial Times
“A rich, galloping narrative that spans the Arab world from Morocco to Yemen to Iraq… Rogan’s The Arabs: A History is an outstanding, gripping and exuberant narrative, full of flamboyant character sketches, witty asides and magisterial scholarship, that explains much of what we need to know about the world today.” 

The Sunday Telegraph (UK)
“Very much a modern history… Rogan gives a lucid account of political developments throughout the Arab lands, unpicking messy tangles such as the Lebanese civil war or the fragmentation of Palestinian political movements.”

The Guardian (UK)
“The vivid narrative of The Arabs is… eloquent, and compulsively readable.”

The Economist
“[A] fascinating [story], and exceedingly well told…. What makes [Rogan’s] book particularly useful is the way it situates [the Arab-Israeli conflict] within the wider context of the Arabs’ long, and still unsuccessful, struggle to come to more equal terms with the West. Europeans in particular, and also Americans, need their memories jogged about just how arrogant, duplicitous and frequently stupid their governments have been in dealing with the Middle East…. [An] exemplary history.”

The Scotsman (UK)
“An incredibly ambitious book… wonderfully inclusive and articulate and knowledgeable, pretty much indispensable.”

The Times (UK)
“[The Arabs], which starts with the Ottoman Turks’ conquest of the Arab world in 1516-17, offers a strikingly vivid and authoritative account of its subsequent experience… [Rogan’s] rehearsal of recent Middle East history is impeccable.”

The Spectator
“Rogan’s brilliant book is clear-eyed and balanced. Mixing academic rigour with a lively narrative style, The Arabs: A History is required reading for anyone seeking to understand the background to the mess that the Arabs find themselves in.”

The Scotsman (UK)
"An incredibly ambitious book… wonderfully inclusive and articulate and knowledgeable, pretty much indispensable.”

The Times (UK)
“[The Arabs], which starts with the Ottoman Turks’ conquest of the Arab world in 1516-17, offers a strikingly vivid and authoritative account of its subsequent experience… [Rogan’s] rehearsal of recent Middle East history is impeccable.”

Dallas Morning News
“Rogan manages the somewhat staggering feat of outlining nearly 500 years of history in a way that is neither cursory nor overwhelming – and is based in the experiences of the people themselves…. [Rogan’s] ability to gather and synthesize such a wealth of information, showing both the humanity and malice present on all sides, while neither bowing to nor accepting conventional wisdom, is truly remarkable. It’s to be hoped that America’s decision makers get their hands on a copy of The Arabs – and take very good notes.”

Foreign Affairs
“Readable and reliable, this sweeping survey balances the unity of a coherent story with due attention to detail. As such, Rogan’s contribution belongs in the company of the earlier classics by Hitti and Hourani.”

The Times Literary Supplement
“[An] excellent book…. Eugene Rogan has written an authoritative and wide-ranging history.”

Middle East Policy Journal
“[A] perceptive narrative of the past 500 years of Arab history…. This is a book for the general reader with little or no detailed knowledge of the Arab world. The writing is fluid and avoids academic theorizing and jargon…. However, even specialists should find this book a valuable guide to major events across the Arab world from Iraq to Morocco over an extensive period of time.”

BBC History Magazine (UK) “[An] eloquent grand narrative of optimism and despair…. Rogan’s book is evocative, timely and illuminating for the general reader. The individual Arab voices that he uses to structure the narrative – ordinary people, intellectuals, activists and political leaders – provide a much needed insider perspective, which nuances stereotypical images of the Arab world in the media. Moreover, The Arabs discloses unfamiliar and unsettling truths on the vexed and often over-simplified relationship between the Arab world and its historical ‘others,’ Europe, the west and Israel. Compelling as it is in its own right, this is indeed food for thought also for its relevance to world affairs at large.”

About the Author
Eugene Rogan is the Director of the Middle East Centre at St. Antony’s College, Oxford. Winner of the Albert Hourani Prize and a book of the year award from the Middle East Studies Association of North America, he lives in Oxford, England.

Most helpful customer reviews

143 of 155 people found the following review helpful.
A Superb Introduction to the Middle East
By David N. Buckley
If what you seek is a clear, succinct, yet detailed account of how "the Middle East" --including the Maghrib-- became what it is today, look no further. This is by far the best available account of the modern history of "the Arabs" and their worlds. (And, it IS necessary to stress the plural, "worlds." Language and religious convictions may be common threads among Arabs; but much else is diverse in ways that most of us have yet to fully appreciate).

Rogan writes in clear, accessible prose, and provides a coherent and engaging narrative. Teachers especially will find this volume helpful; but, the general reader too will find the main lines of Arab development (since 1516) covered in ways that both inform and illuminate. Despite the welter of books available on this subject area, none has the mastery of substance and the simple felicity of style necessary to meet the needs of today's deeply misinformed general audience. After Rogan, there is no longer any reason for us "westerners" to remain ignorant of the Arab past, and the Arabs' world. (Mainstream "News" commentators, please take note). If you want to know how it all began and why it has remained the single most barbaric "encounter" in "western" history, look no further. This is where all future students will begin their exploration of Arab history, and is the work to which they will most often turn in seeking to understand its main currents and conflicting personalities. Its perceptive analysis and insights no less than its narrative flow will provide food for thought for all who wish to learn.

---
OVERVIEW OF THE CONTENTS:

Despite its title, this book is less a history of "the Arabs" per se than of external attempts to govern them. For the Arabs themselves, we have Hourani's masterful work A History of the Arab Peoples: Second Edition -- and it comes as no surprise that Rogan's work drinks from the same deep well of scholarship and insight (see page 499-500 for details). However, if Hourani gave us a view of the Arab world from the inside, as it were, this is the same story ... but from the outside. Rogan's prespective is that the modern history of the Arabs is, essentially, the story of external attempts to dominate and govern them. So, starting with the Ottoman victory over the Egyptian Mamluks in 1516, his first five chapters --about one third of the book-- deal with the main trends of Ottoman overlordship, down to the debacle of World War One. The next four chapters (six through nine) deal in considerable detail with the disastrous consequences of Anglo-French imperial self-aggrandizement from 1915 to 1945. (American readers may be pleasantly surprised to learn how positive was the Arab view of American international involvement in 1919. Then they were a positive counterweight to European rapacity. Now, of course, they've changed colors, and are the proverbial fox-in-the-henhouse). Chapter Nine on "The Palestine Disaster and its Consequences," is a masterpiece of concision and erudition, and on its own will more than repay the reader's investment in this book. The outsiders view of Israel (which is the one most of us have) will seem decidedly less rosy and congenial once seen in the real context of broader Arab concerns and indigenous contemporary developments. Chapters 10 and 11 deal with the "Rise" and "Decline" (respectively) of Arab nationalism between 1950 and 1970, using Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser as the yardstick of Cold War "superpower" involvement in Arab affairs. Chapters 12 through 14 bring the story from the "oil shock" of 1973 down to the present day, and show how remarkably short --and ghastly, in human terms-- has been the "western" journey from European arrogance to American hegemony. That all parties to the deepening conflict have been remarkably uninformed and self-centered may come as no surprise, but the true cost of such ignorance should horrify the reader.

To cover so much ground in less than 500 pages is an achievement in itself. To do so with such clarity and elan is nothing short of genius. (Keep in mind that almost half the book is given over to events since WWI).

I sincerely hope Mr Rogan will consider making this into a video history so it can reach a wider audience. (If nothing else, such a project would teach us how to pronounce unfamiliar names ... and perhaps even make them household words!)

30 of 35 people found the following review helpful.
Middle East History plus!
By Jo R. Gilbert
First, I met the author at an Oxford conference last year and was impressed by his knowledge of Arabs and the Middle East. Also his sense of humor. So when I saw his book listed, I promptly bought it. I'm still in the midst of reading it. But it is everything I expected. A readable history of the Arabs and the Muslim influences. Certainly, more up to date than Anthony Nutting's work of forty years ago and a companion to Mark Allen's Arabs. Starting in pre-Islamic days, through the Ottomans, the French and the Brits, and now into today's political scene, he thoroughly covers the Arab efforts to achieve self esteem. Well written; well researched. Highly recommended.

20 of 24 people found the following review helpful.
Superb historical overview
By Bookends
An excellent overview of the history of the Arab people and the events that manifested itself in the current situation in the Middle East. The stark truth may offend some people as can be seen in the orchestrated campaign of reviews to discredit the author. If you are seeking an objective overview of history of the Arab people, you will find it in this book.

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Kamis, 09 Juni 2011

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HISTORIA ECONOMICA DE EUROPA 1500-1800 ARTESANOS MERCADERES, by Helga Schultz

  • Published on: 2001-01-01
  • Binding: Paperback

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[T398.Ebook] Free PDF RFID in Logistics: A Practical Introduction, by Erick C. Jones, Christopher A. Chung

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RFID in Logistics: A Practical Introduction, by Erick C. Jones, Christopher A. Chung

Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) tagging is now mandated by the department of defense and many of the world’s largest retailers including Wal-Mart. In order to stay competitive, more than 200,000 manufacturers and suppliers must develop strategies for integrating RFID technologies into their supply chains.

RFID in Logistics: A Practical Introduction provides businesses and other relevant concerns with an authoritative step-by-step guide to the implementation and diverse applications of this revolutionary communications technology.

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  • Sales Rank: #3565562 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: CRC Press
  • Published on: 2007-12-03
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.21" h x 1.13" w x 6.14" l, 1.83 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 520 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review
scholarly and thought provokingThe book is described as 'a handbook of in-depth case studies' and in this it undersells itselfover 600 pages of delighta nice mixture of mathematical rigour and scientific analoques and intuitionthe mathematical techniques are treated with just the right level of common-sense rigour that I associate with the best applied mathematics teachersthe treatments of some of more awkward topics such as bifurcations in ODEs and Greens functions, are some of the simplest and most transparent I have seenhundreds of worked examples and exercises. The Special Topics chapter is superbThere are countless references, and the book is literally a gold-mine.

About the Author
University of Nebraska, Lincoln, USA University of Houston, Texas, USA

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Selasa, 07 Juni 2011

[N162.Ebook] PDF Download The Obamians: The Struggle Inside the White House to Redefine American Power, by James Mann

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The Obamians: The Struggle Inside the White House to Redefine American Power, by James Mann

The definitive analysis of the events, ideas, personalities, and conflicts that have defined Obama’s foreign policy—with a new afterword for his second term

When Barack Obama first took office, he brought with him a new group of foreign policy advisers intent on carving out a new global role for America in the wake of the Bush administration’s war in Iraq. Now the acclaimed author of Rise of the Vulcans offers a definitive, even-handed account of the messier realities they’ve faced in implementing their policies and the challenges they will face going into the second term.
In The Obamians, prizewinning author and journalist James Mann tells the compelling story of the administration’s struggle to enact a coherent and effective set of policies in a time of global turmoil. At the heart of this struggle are the generational conflicts between the Democratic establishment—including Robert Gates, Hillary Clinton, and Joe Biden—and Obama and his inner circle of largely unknown, remarkably youthful advisers, who came of age after the Cold War had ended.
Written by a proven master at elucidating political underpinnings even to the politicians themselves, The Obamians is a pivotal reckoning of this historic president and his inner circle, and of how their policies may or may not continue to shape America and the world. This edition includes a new afterword by the author on how the Obamians’ foreign policy affected the 2012 election and what that means for the future.

  • Sales Rank: #390050 in Books
  • Published on: 2013-01-09
  • Released on: 2013-01-09
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 8.43" h x .94" w x 5.50" l, .77 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 416 pages

From Bookforum
Mann is an experienced and judicious observer of both presidential policy making and the bipartisan foreign-policy establishment, and, as in the case of his earlier book, many of his initial judgments are likely to pass the test of time. —Michael Lind

About the Author
James Mann, a former Washington reporter, columnist, and foreign correspondent for the Los Angeles Times, is author in residence at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He is the author of many books on global affairs and U.S. foreign policy, including the New York Times bestseller Rise of the Vulcans.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

The ultimate Obamian, of course, was Obama himself. Aides such as McDonough and Rhodes reflected the president’s own views. Obama was as new to foreign policy as they were, and as little influenced by previous Democratic administrations.

Over the years, far too much has been made of how Obama’s race and upbringing supposedly affected his thinking about the world. Political opponents, diplomats and journalists have sometimes speculated about the impact on Obama of his father’s roots in Kenya or of his childhood years in Indonesia. Some have theorized that Obama had somehow been imbued with an “anticolonial” perspective and was hostile, or at least unsympathetic, to British and European traditions.

There is little if any evidence to support this theory, and it represents an extremely selective interpretation of Obama’s youth. His postprimary education included a private college-prep school in Hawaii, private colleges in Los Angeles (Occidental College) and New York City (Columbia), and law school at Harvard. Obama’s secondary and higher education, in other words, was not radically different from that of, say, John F. Kennedy (prep school and Harvard), Franklin Roosevelt (prep school, Harvard and Columbia Law School), Richard Nixon (Whittier College and Duke Law School), Gerald Ford (University of Michigan and Yale Law School), George H. W. Bush (prep school and Yale), Bill Clinton (Georgetown and Yale Law School) or George W. Bush (prep school, Yale and Harvard Business School). If Obama’s worldview was influenced by his upbringing—and even this is an open question—then surely those long years of elite American schooling must have counted for far more than the father he barely knew or his four years in elementary school overseas.

Instead, Obama’s views of the world and of America’s role in it were shaped to a far greater extent by his age and by the times in which he came to national prominence. Obama was the first president since Vietnam whose personal life and career were utterly unaffected by that war. Every president since Gerald Ford had tried, in one fashion or another, to declare an end to the Vietnam War or to put to rest its continuing impact. Ford had ended the American presence in Vietnam. Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush had both proclaimed the end of the “Vietnam syndrome,” their term for the fear of military intervention and casualties. Bill Clinton had normalized diplomatic relations with Vietnam.

The war had nevertheless retained its potency in American political life. When Clinton ran for the presidency in 1992, he had to explain why he hadn’t served in the military during Vietnam. When George W. Bush ran in 2000, his campaign was obliged to justify an assignment in the Texas Air National Guard that kept him out of Vietnam. In the 2004 presidential campaign, after the Democrats nominated a Vietnam veteran, the Republicans managed to raise questions about John Kerry’s service on a “swift boat” in that war.

In the election of 2008, however, Obama, who was only thirteen years old when the last American troops came home from Vietnam, defeated a Republican candidate who was a Vietnam War hero and former prisoner of war. Vietnam had finally vanished from American presidential politics.

Obama was also the first American president in the modern era who neither served in the military nor was subject to the draft. In this respect, he was a fair representative of most other Americans under the age of fifty-five. Knowing nothing else, Obama could take as a given the existence of the volunteer professional army; military service was a career, not an obligation. The military could be seen as simply a constituency in American society— another big, powerful group with which Obama could try to reach compromise, bridge differences or find a centrist position. “He’s not suspicious of the military, and he’s not scared of the military,” said Denis McDonough. “It’s a vitally important institution that’s part of this country and part of this government.”

Finally, Obama was the first president to come to the White House after George W. Bush’s intervention in Iraq. The mere fact that he followed Bush provided Obama with considerable opportunity for improving America’s relations with the rest of the world. In this respect, Obama had considerable success. He sought to avoid the rancorous relations Bush had with the leaders of France, Germany, Russia and other countries. During his second term, Bush had himself tried to smooth over the frictions caused by the Iraq War, but he was so unpopular that these belated efforts didn’t have much impact; no elected president or prime minister in Western Europe could be seen as too close to Bush. After Obama’s election, European leaders once again wanted to have their pictures taken alongside an American president.

The 2008 financial crisis affected Obama’s foreign policy and America’s international standing at least as much as the Iraq War. The impact of the financial crisis went far beyond the mere lack of money. The United States had far greater difficulty holding itself up to the world as an economic model. In the countries that were harmed by the financial crisis, some of the blame was assigned to the United States—legitimately so. In those few countries where the financial crisis did not hit so hard, such as China and Germany, there was a newly acquired sense of superiority to the American economic system.

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23 of 26 people found the following review helpful.
The Obamians
By Jared Branch
In The Obamians, a somewhat wonky term used to describe the chief Obamian (Obama) and his Obamians (aides), James Mann attempts to discern, through his foreign policy, an Obama doctrine. While his domestic policy has been hampered by Democrat (Guantanamo) and Republican (Obamacare, nee Romneycare) alike, day-to-day foreign policy execution does not require congressional approval. Foreign policy then, unlike domestic, is a "clear test of his underlying ideas and choices."

Obama chose his inner circle among a small and informal network of people with no foreign policy experience to purposely cultivate an image of Washington outsiders. His appointment of Hillary Clinton, a pragmatic decision to remove her from the Senate where she could possibly form a coalition against him, required a revamping of this image, and thus was born the "team of rivals" phrase to give a "grand historical gloss to the uneasy merger of the Obama and Clinton teams." In contrast, Bush's aides, his "Vulcans" as the author calls them, all shared a common history, namely Vietnam.

Mann has a lot to say about Vietnam. He argues that Obama is the first president not, in some way, shaped by the war. This is true, and interesting, but he takes this argument to extremes. Obama's team is young and they "tend to believe their ideas are new and original, a response to events or trends of the twenty-first century" and not, as Mann repeatedly argues, in response to Vietnam. While the Obamians came of age in a world influenced by Iraq and the 2008 financial crisis, Mann believes Vietnam plays a seemingly unconscious influence through which all of their decisions filter. While Mann is given to such sweeping statements, perhaps the only extent to which Vietnam plays a role is that Obama has to contend with the remnants of McGovern's left-wing antiwar base of the Democratic party.

Avoiding this and other extremes, Obama has attempted to "position (himself) in the middle ground, detached from the fray." While Obama is not simply a continuation of Bush (Mann cites healthcare and gay rights), any president has to contend with entrenched bureaucracies concerned solely with maintaining the status quo. Obama's positions have therefore been simultaneously more and less hawkish than his predecessor. By toeing the line of the middle ground, he has made constituents of both parties unhappy.

Resulting criticisms leveled against him have fundamentally misunderstood who he is. For a clearer picture, Mann turns to the Arab Spring and dissects the Obamian response to each country. In Libya, Obama showed the two most distinctive aspects of his foreign policy. First, that he was not squeamish about employing military power, as both parties believed. Second, that he was willing to recast the United State's role in the world to fit its limited resources, a role "far less wedded than his predecessors to the idea of an enduring American primacy or hegemony." His decisions were "by circumstance and strategy, country by country," based ultimately upon advancing American's interests in the region. Mann is concerned more with how Obama thinks than in a minutiae discussion of positions he takes.

An aspect missing from this discussion is Republicans. He assesses an event and a liberal response, leaving out the extent to which liberals are influenced by a conservative response. Republicans play virtually no role at all at any point throughout the book. Leaving out this crucial opposing view is surprising, as Mann is unbiased in his assessment of Obama. While he makes the argument that Vietnam shaped liberals who then influenced Obama, he implicitly argues that Obama is shaped more by these unconscious influences than in reaction to President Bush and his policies, which played a huge role in making his presidency possible.

Bush's policies "represented the outer limits of the expansion of American power." Obama's, on the other hand, have merely "added up to centrism." His presidency has marked "the beginning of a new era in America's relations with the rest of the world, an era when American primacy is no longer taken for granted," and an era in which America has less money and power to implement its will.

20 of 25 people found the following review helpful.
Solid and Timely Account of Foreign Policy Under Obama
By Samuel J. Sharp
This is a solid and timely account of American foreign policy under President Obama. Mann focuses on foreign policy narrowly and fully discusses military strategy while mostly ignoring other aspects of international relations such as trade policy and issues like budgeting and defense spending which require negotiations with Congress. The book thus begins with a short history of Democratic foreign policy under the Carter and Clinton administrations. The next few chapters detail the Obama primary/presidential campaigns and the rise of the "Obamians," the group of youngish advisers that were attracted to Obama by his personality but had much less foreign policy experience than the more senior, establishment Democrats that aligned with Hillary Clinton during the primary contest.

From here the book devotes chapters to various episodes in international affairs since 2008 and how the Obama administration managed them. Some of these chapters are a bit tedious and read like a simple rehash of newspaper accounts of global events. That being said, the chapters on China (chapter 13) and the assassination of Bin Laden (chapter 21) were captivating reading because the author perfectly blended factual occurrences with strategic planning. The book shines when Mann relies on information gleaned from an impressive array of interviews with insiders to give a behind-the-scenes image of how events looked from the White House. The tone is largely neutral except for repeated praise for Obama's "elegant" speeches (which get their own chapter) and some criticism of Obama's unwillingness to keep a campaign promise to abide by the War Powers Resolution.

All in all, this is a very good book that paints a portrait of a foreign policy team that is cautious, deliberative, fittingly hawkish, and very attuned to politics. It is not as scholarly or ideological analytic as some readers may hope, but its accessibility means a large audience can appreciate its historical approach. This book is bound to be as highly regarded as Mann's previous book, "Rise of the Vulcans," and I expect readers interested in foreign affairs will be grateful for Mann's most recent effort.

12 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Foreign policy under the Obama administration
By KinksRock
A thorough review of three years of foreign policy under the Obama administration, focusing on the conflict and interplay between the young and less experienced idealists that Obama brought in and the more experienced realists with whom they had to work in order to function.

This book is not pro-Obama or anti-Obama, but, rather, covers Obama's triumphs, most notably the killing of Osama bin Laden, and his failures, notably the decision not to support the Green movement in Iran and Obama's poor treatment of Richard Holbrooke.

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